A Limestone County investigator has filed a federal discrimination claim against the Limestone County Sheriff’s Office, alleging she was sexually assaulted by a senior officer and that her complaint was never investigated by Sheriff Mike Blakely or the Limestone County Commission.
Instead, Leslie Ramsey says she was routinely reprimanded for fabricated reasons, passed over promotions and ultimately demoted to third shift when she refused to quit.
Ramsey’s lawsuit, which also names Blakely, the county commission and senior deputy Fred Sloss, details a number of embarrassing mishaps committed by other Limestone County deputies and investigators — men who were either promoted before her or never reprimanded as she was.
On Monday, Blakely posted on his Facebook page a defense of his chief deputy Fred Sloss, who Ramsey accuses of sexually assaulting her.
“I want everyone to know that I’m proud to have Fred Sloss as my chief deputy,” Blakely wrote in a lengthy post that included recapping Sloss’s background in the military. “Fred comes from a wonderful family. And like his family he has an outstanding reputation. Fred’s honesty, integrity and character is second to none. As we go through life there will be bumps in the road but God is good and he is the judge that counts.”
At a weekly press briefing on Wednesday, a sheriff’s department spokesman declined to answer any questions about the lawsuit.
In this particular case, a federal judge will be most important. And Ramsey’s complaint will be particularly troubling, considering her background as an investigator, her documentation of events and the fact that there is a witness with direct knowledge of both the alleged assault and Blakely’s knowledge of it.
In her complaint, Ramsey says she and her former boyfriend, Bobby Joe Ruf, attended a small gathering at Sloss’s home. At some point, Ramsey went outside alone to smoke a cigarette, and Sloss followed her outside.
While outside, the complaint states, Sloss repeatedly ran his hand over and between her legs, over her breasts and on her crotch. Ramsey said she attempted to push Sloss off of her, but he shoved her against a car and said he would make her a captain if she accepted his sexual advances.
Again, she says in the complaint, that she pushed Sloss off of her. At that point, she said Sloss asked her to “show me your tits.”
Ramsey said she told Ruf about the encounter when they left Sloss’s home that night.
Following the alleged assault, Ramsey said Sloss began treating her differently, including having her followed. A few days later, she said she was called into Blakely’s office with Sloss, and the sheriff told her she was “a bad apple” and threatened to demote her.
At that point, Ramsey said, she had not filed a complaint against Sloss. It was eventually reported to Blakely by Ramsey’s father several days later. And a few days after that, the complaint states, Blakely called Ruf into the sheriff’s office for a lengthy meeting about the alleged assault.
Ramsey eventually filed an official grievance over the alleged assault and over Blakely demoting her. An internal review found Blakely was within his rights.
Following that review, Ramsey was demoted from investigator to third-shift patrol.
She subsequently filed a complaint with the Limestone County Commission in June 2017 asking that she be reinstated as an investigator. A few weeks later, she was placed on leave, which turned into unpaid leave.
The Commission ultimately conducted a review of her grievance but never submitted an official finding. However, shortly after the review, Ramsey said she was awarded backpay and placed back on paid leave, where she remained until she filed an Equal Employment Opportunity Commission complaint in Nov. 2017. Following that complaint, she was reinstated as an investigator in Feb. 2018.
In the meantime, Ramsey said she was passed over for promotion by male officers who committed a number of embarrassing mistakes, most of which went without reprimand. Those mistakes include losing a pistol that was used in a suicide, losing the cell phone of a murder victim, leaving the keys in a Special Response van that was then stolen and driven to another state, firing at the back of a fleeing suspect and having an investigator be reported for being drunk on the job.
“I’ve never felt the fear I felt then:” Demonstrators describe police action at Huntsville protest
Protesters gathered in Huntsville on Wednesday, first at an NAACP rally against police brutality, and later an unorganized protest downtown near the Madison County courthouse.
The largely peaceful demonstrations ended when police fired tear gas and rubber bullets at demonstrators who refused to disperse after a protest permit expired at 6:30 p.m.
The Huntsville Police chief and Madison County sheriff have said they used appropriate force to disperse an “unauthorized protest against the government.”
Police claim the protest had to be dispersed because “anarchists” from out of state hijacked the gathering and threw rocks and water bottles at police.
“It’s darkness coming on, when we lose the fight,” Chief Mark McMurray said. “We have daylight, we win. It’s 90 minutes. It’s an unauthorized protest against the government. That’s what it is. That’s what anarchists do. This was not NAACP. This was a separate splinter group that took advantage of a peaceful protest and hijacked it to cause anarchy against our government. Their way is to cause damage, set fires, loot, pillage.”
At least 24 people were arrested, all locals from Madison County — 20 of them charged with disorderly conduct. Several people were injured by “less lethal” rubber bullets and tear gas deployed by police. At least two police officers sustained minor injuries and returned to work the next day, the police chief said Thursday.
Below are some accounts and videos from demonstrators at the protest, based on their own recollection of what happened. Their accounts have been edited for length and clarity. This post may be updated with additional perspectives.
Video: Eddie Swift
Sarah Myers from Huntsville:
We came to the protest in the park initially at around 5:30 p.m. It was so packed we could barely get anywhere near the crowd or speakers, but we came with medical supplies in case people got maced again like they did Monday.
We dispersed our supplies to various people around the park, and then shortly after headed home. At 7:30 p.m., we came back because we saw people posting about how the protest moved to the courthouse square and there was a strong police presence. I wanted to document and make sure people were okay. I had no idea what would happen.
As we approached the square at about 7:30 p.m., all the stairs to the courthouse were barred up and heavily armed, shielded officers wearing gas masks lined the entire perimeter of the courthouse.
I’ve never felt the fear I felt then. I genuinely felt as if I could be shot at any moment for any reason. They were intimidating, smug, snickering amongst themselves as we protested.
I suppose, we were blocking the streets, so we gave them a “reason.” I say that very loosely and sarcastically because the way they responded was in no way appropriate toward civilians — even if we were standing in the street.
I’ve heard about the 6:30 p.m. expiration of the permit — which I guess the NAACP agreed upon — but is public property not always fairground for a protest? Even if we, as a separate group, wanted to continue after 6:30?
Maybe I’m wrong, but what I do know is we were 99 percent peaceful. The majority SHOULD HAVE spoken. The police could have easily taken a knee with us, as many police in many cities have done, and we would have been gone by 8.
But what they did instead was wait for the clock to strike “8” (7:45) and started sounding off loud intense alarm sounds, so I fell back about a block. I’m honestly not even sure on a perfect timeline after that — all hell broke loose, time stretched and warped and still hasn’t really returned to the same.
I cannot get my mind off of that night, the feeling of terror in my own city.
They were trapping us, yet shoving us, there were people screaming blood-curdling screams because of pepper spray or tear gas being sprayed directly into their faces.
Immediately turning around to see a young boy, who looked no older than 17, with a huge hole blown out of his calf and blood covering his entire leg. He was in such shock that you couldn’t even tell anything was wrong until you looked down. We were trying to help this guy, and they still just kept shooting behind us, dropping gas on us, shoving us while we knelt down on the sidewalks, trying to aid people.
We literally just had to take off running for shelter in the parking garage on Jefferson in the middle of helping that guy because there was just constant shots approaching behind us.
Everyone I saw who was shot, was shot with their backs turned to the police. People who were trying to disperse, being maced as they ran by. A medic helping someone on the sidewalk, and police throwing smoke canisters at them.
It was barbaric, unnecessary terrorism. Someone needs to be held accountable for the absolutely uncalled for brutality that happened that night.
Even if someone threw a water bottle or yelled at them, we were unarmed. We were 99 percent peaceful and not participating in antagonizing the police, but when they decided they were over it, they didn’t care who was what or what was what. They started shooting, harassing, arresting, and gassing innocent people who pleaded with them and protested for change.
We left at the point that the riot police began advancing down Jefferson. It just seemed like there was nothing else we could do. They made it clear to leave if you can — or get brutalized one way or another.
I don’t really know what else to say other than I got a glimpse of what a black person goes through everyday … who do you call when its the police that are attacking us?
Warning: Video contains violence and profane language.
Video: Eddie Swift
Teddy Young from Huntsville
I went to the protest with no intention of being shot or causing issues that would require any type of retaliation by police. I honestly believe that most people held that same mindset. We were there to speak our pain and support the lives who can longer do so themselves. The day started out fine — speeches, love, declarations of hope, bursts of anger at the situation. But all of it paled in comparison to the last couple hours we spent there.
The cops spent a good portion of time menacingly staring at the protestors from the courthouse steps. Some clearly getting the wire cuffs ready, others pacing with their rubber bullet guns and even more sinister were the half dozen or so cops on the surrounding rooftops.
Eventually, the mass of protestors who were left refused to leave in the face of swat and guns and gas. It made me extremely proud to see my city stand up for its beliefs — as is our constitutional right. The cops were on the bullhorns, which I gotta say, trash those things. They didn’t work very well if they can’t outshout a few people. We got word that the tear gas was about to be used, and I went to the front lines to see my local police department would turn into the police departments we had all been warned about. They did not disappoint.
I’ve never been in a warzone. But my father has. And the 15 minutes or so of continuous explosions and gas and screams made him very scared for me once he watched the live feed. Not even a minute had passed since the shooting and gas started, and I was hit in the chest with something that doubled me over in pain.
“Run!” my brain said.
But I couldn’t move.
Nobody for whom I was there to protest could move any longer … so who am I to run? So I helped others away from the chaos and implored them not to run but stand their ground. This is America after all — civil disobedience carried out in the way we were doing it should not have garnered the force the police brought.
All of us — herded like cattle, shot like dogs, pepper-sprayed while we ran. Grandma was on the Selma bridge the day my ancestors were massacred there, and I couldn’t help but think, “Damn, things will never change but the body count.”
Eventually, the protest devolved into military tactics used on civilians in a manner that shocked my father who himself spent 23 years fighting for our country and now works in the Pentagon with his own department.
I filmed as much as I could considering I can’t trust anybody who wasn’t there to tell the story. I saw women get guns pointed at the backs of their heads, I saw people sprayed like animals, I myself had guns pointed at my face, and I will never forget these things.
Everything went left. And it legit was unacceptable to treat peaceful people in that manner. Cops want to go home safe but don’t seem to care if we do.
Dr. Pippa Abston from Huntsville:
I arrived at Big Springs Park at about 4:30 before the start of the protest at 5 p.m. I am pleased to say that multiple medical people and first aid volunteers came. We had at least one EMT. People brought armloads of supplies and water. We had a medical area set up towards the back, and some of us walked through the crowd. I carried a medic sign on a pole.
After the speakers — which I don’t think I can do justice to describing, other than to say extremely inspiring — we were led up the stairs on the side of the park to march. There was chanting. It seemed to me that there were a whole lot more people than on Monday night. The line of marchers really couldn’t move much. We chanted.
Instead of a big march around the square, mainly people seemed to settle in the area in front of the courthouse. Everything I saw appeared peaceful in that area. Again, there were large numbers of police on the courthouse steps. This time they were holding large numbers of wrist ties, indicating to us that they planned to do a lot of arrests, I suppose. We could see people posted on top of the courthouse, and I was told they were snipers, but I couldn’t get a close enough look to verify that.
Suddenly — and again for no discernible reason — police dressed in riot gear lined up along the intersection where Fountain Circle turns into Southside Square. We heard a siren and then once again, unintelligible talking over some kind of sound system. I was roughly opposite the courthouse steps, and none of us could hear them.
Video: Pippa Abston
It turned into that game “operator” that kids play. People were passing along information that they had heard, but it wasn’t the same information. Some said we were supposed to leave in 4 minutes, others said everybody just had to get off the street and onto the sidewalks.
Toward Clinton, which was blocked also on Monday, there was no riot line of police, but there were some police cars, and it wasn’t clear to anyone standing there if that was an exit route. I asked several people if anyone had provided an exit route, as is required, and they said no.
Around that time, some people started coming up to us and reporting that first aid volunteers were being detained and ordered to remove their red cross signs made with tape, on the grounds that they were impersonating doctors. Because of this, the many medical volunteers we had were not identifiable to the crowd.
Several people came to me over the course of the night, because I still had the sign and a red cross on my shirt and backpack. I had put my medical license in with my ID, and I said “let them just try that.” But no one did.
We were also told that police on the courthouse roof were targeting medics — that they were pointing out our position. We were warned by several people to watch out because of that.
A few minutes later, people started passing down the word that they were about to start shooting rubber bullets. So the medical team I was with once again went down the stairs towards Big Spring Park, thinking likely that would be the way folks would flee again.
There was an initial rush of folks running down the stairs again, with some screaming, but this was brief and then people went back up again. We were unsure what to do but decided to stay in the park to be ready for their return. We heard chanting.
After some amount of time, which I did not note because I intentionally left my watch at home, a large crowd of people came screaming, running down those same stairs again into Big Spring Park, being chased by police and we heard shooting of rubber bullets.
We ran also. We heard several large explosions that sounded like bombs. We were told it was tear gas.
Even though it wasn’t really too close to where we were, my eyes did burn.
People passing us said that police had told them we had to leave Big Spring Park, a city park, because it was private property, and that we would be fine if we went across Church Street as long as we didn’t get near businesses.
So a lot of us — maybe 100 or so — walked over there. As we were heading there, we saw a large line of patrol cars with lights and sirens on, coming down Church Street, and we wondered if it was ok after all to go there, but they passed by. We were told they were circling the courthouse.
People milled around on the sidewalk area across near Church Street, which is definitely public property, talking, wondering what was next. Again, we stayed in case we needed to give medical help and also because we had never received any instructions from the police about where to go.
We got word that they were loading up large numbers of police into trucks and coming … to do what, we didn’t know, but we were worried, so we walked further away from Church Street toward the Von Braun Center area.
We saw a line of police advancing down Clinton and onto Monroe Street, and we were worried we were going to get trapped. A large crowd to the left of us were moving past the art museum, and suddenly there were explosions again and what looked like fireworks aimed at the crowd. I was told it was tear gas.
People were running and screaming and several of us were trying to help wash their eyes. These tear gas explosions happened several times. We thought they were trying to drive us to Monroe Street, but we had also seen troopers marching that way, and we didn’t know if we were going to get cornered.
We were still washing people’s eyes. Some people were having intense skin reactions to the gas, burning and redness.
One person had been hit so badly in the eyes that they couldn’t see to find their ride, so they walked with my group back to where we were parked and got a ride with my friends. It seemed like protesters were mostly dispersing from that end of the park. We heard there were continuing protests on Jefferson Street.
I made it home. That was like being in a war, getting shot at, having gas thrown at us. And once again, one of the scariest parts was that it wasn’t clear where to go and be safe from being shot at.
We have to keep showing up for these protests. They are obviously trying to terrorize us into staying home, but we must persist.
The Huntsville police chief is saying that us putting on eye protection and getting out first aid equipment was one of their reasons for gassing and shooting us, because it was a sign we wanted violence.
If I go hiking during hunting season with an orange hat on, am I hoping a hunter will shoot me in the head?
If I lock my car door, am I hoping to have my window broken?
If I wear a mask, am I hoping to get COVID-19?
They had snipers yesterday. If we come wearing bulletproof vests — and no, I don’t own one — are they going to shoot us and say well, look what they made us do?
Could it be that we are aware of their weapons and their history of unprovoked brutality and want to protect ourselves while we exercise our First Amendment rights?
Alabama Parole and Probation Officers supervising nearly 9,000 violent criminals
The Alabama Bureau of Pardons and Paroles released a report Thursday that was shared with state legislators and the media this week that shows Alabama’s 300 parole and probation officers are tasked with supervising 8,993 people convicted of violent crimes.
The officers are tasked with supervising more than 27,000 Alabama offenders as well as more than 3,600 offenders from other states who chose to move to Alabama following their incarceration in other states. Those are just the active cases.
There are an additional 22,947 inactive offenders for a total caseload of 50,055.
“The supervision of all these offenders that our officers provide daily is crucial to the safety of Alabamians and we are thankful for the selfless and dedicated work of these law enforcement officers,” said Bureau Director Charlie Graddick in a statement.
Graddick said that the Bureau put nine new officers into the field last week to begin supervising parolees and probationers and hopes to hire up to 138 more officers over the next three years — if the budget allows.
In the session that recently ended, the Legislature cut the bureau’s budget nearly in half.
“We are in need of more officers as we work to reduce caseloads,” Graddick said.
The report shows that 79 percent of the Alabama clients the bureau supervises were granted probation by judges throughout the state.
Sixteen percent of the Alabama offenders are parolees who were granted release from prison by the Alabama Board of Pardons and Paroles.
Of the 6,078 Alabama parolees being supervised, 58 percent are violent offenders, some requiring much more intensive supervision.
Alabama has historically underfunded and understaffed the aging prison facilities managed by the Alabama Department of Corrections.
The Alabama Bureau of Pardons and Paroles is tasked with attempting to safely reintegrate parolees into society as well as to rehabilitate offenders sentenced to probation so that they do not re-offend and have to join the state’s prison population again.
A recent Department of Justice report claimed that Alabama’s prisons are among the most dangerous in the country.
The state has a critical need to increase prison capacity to reduce prison overcrowding and protect the public from crime and violence.
DOJ’s dropping of charges against Flynn may raise question in Siegelman case
Defenders of former Gov. Don Siegelman suggested that U.S. Attorney General William Barr’s dropping of federal charges against General Michael Flynn raises questions of the prosecution of Siegelman.
Flynn, a retired Lt. General, was President Donald Trump’s first national security adviser. He was investigated under the Logan Act as part of the wider Russian collusion investigation into the 2016 election, when Trump defeated former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton.
A preeminent scholar in prosecutorial misconduct, Professor Bennett Gershman, has now proclaimed the prosecutors of former governor Siegelman are the ones who should have been charged with a federal crime.
“Yes, the prosecutors should be in jail,” Gershman said. “Of the thousands of prosecutorial misconduct cases I’ve written about, the government’s bad faith described in Stealing our Democracy stands out and may be without parallel.”
“Stealing our Democracy” is Siegelman’s new book. The new book raised more questions of prosecutorial misconduct.
David C. Iglesias is a former Republican U.S. Attorney for New Mexico. He is now an associate professor of Politics and Law at Wheaton College in Illinois.
“If you doubt that politics are the mortal enemy of justice, read Stealing Our Democracy,” Iglesias said. “This is a sobering reminder of the vast powers the federal government has wrongfully used as a sledgehammer to achieve a conviction at any cost. Terrible things happen when you mix politics with prosecutions.”
The White House maintains that the prosecution of Flynn was a political exercise. White House Press Secretary Kayleigh McEnany blasted the effort to prosecute Flynn.
“The FBI exists to investigate crimes. But in the case of Lieutenant General Michael Flynn, it appears that they might have existed to manufacture one,” McEnany said at the White House press briefing. “As the motion filed by the Department of Justice yesterday explained, the FBI set out to interview General Michael Flynn, when they had no predigate [sic] — predicate for any investigation of any crime.”
“Over the past week, we learned, from a handwritten note, the true intent behind the FBI’s investigation of Lieutenant General Michael Flynn,” McEnany explained. “The very day that then-FBI Director Jim Comey sent agents to the White House to interview Flynn, the FBI discussed what their intent was beforehand. This is what they said: “What is our goal? Truth, admission? Or to get him to lie so we can prosecute him or get him fired?” These notes, in addition to other evidence, raise serious questions about the handling of the — of the FBI’s handling of Michael Flynn’s case.”
Siegelman’s supporters maintain that is what happened to the former Governor.
Law Professor John Farmer is the former Dean of Rutgers Law School and seems to agree with Professor Gerhman.
“Don Siegelman’s story is nothing less than an American tragedy,” Farmer wrote. “Understanding the abuses he experienced may well be the first step to ending them and to healing our broken politics.”
Siegelman is the only Democrat to be elected as the Governor of Alabama since 1982’s election of George C. Wallace (D). Siegelman served as Governor from 1999 to 2003. He was narrowly defeated by then-Congressman Bob Riley, R-Ashland, in the 2002 election after just one term as Governor. Siegelman was mulling a run for the Democratic nomination for president of the United States in 2004.
Siegelman claims that he was then targeted by President George W. Bush’s Department of Justice and claims that he was prosecuted on the orders of GOP strategist and top Bush White House political strategist Karl Rove.
Flynn’s guilty plea was overturned and the case against him lifted with the aid of AG William Barr and the Trump Department of Justice after being investigated and prosecuted by Barack H. Obama’s holdovers at the DOJ, whom some Republicans accuse of attempting a legal coup against the incoming Trump officials. Siegelman on the other hand was prosecuted during the 2006 election when he was running to regain the Governor’s mansion. Siegelman, then under a legal cloud, lost the Democratic primary to then Lt. Governor Lucy Baxley (D). Baxley was then trounced by Gov. Riley. Siegelman was convicted by a jury of his peers and his convictions were upheld by the federal court system, spending years in prison until 2017.
Siegelman claims that his new book raises more questions of prosecutorial misconduct in his case.
Gov. Kay Ivey extends public health emergency, issues COVID-19 lawsuit protections
Gov. Kay Ivey on Friday extended the formal “public health emergency” for 60 days, beginning May 13.
Ivey also issued another proclamation that provides liability protection for businesses and health care providers from being sued over COVID-19 matters if those businesses and health care providers “comply with or reasonably attempt to comply with applicable public health guidance.”
Ivey’s order also states that the emergency liability protections would cover businesses and health care providers unless they show “wanton, reckless, willful or intentional misconduct.”
“I want to do everything within my authority to protect businesses as Alabama’s economy gets up and running again,” Ivey said in a statement. “As we resume operations, the very last thing a business owner needs to worry about is a frivolous lawsuit from responding to COVID-19. Let me be clear, this in no way shields them from serious misconduct. If someone knowingly abuses the public during a time of crisis, they should be held accountable and prosecuted as such.”
Ivey is to hold a press conference at 11 a.m. to discuss possible changes to her “safer-at-home” order. The new proclamations issued Friday morning are separate from the state’s public health orders.
The existence of the states of emergency simply allows the governor to take extraordinary steps to deal with an emergency situation.
Eighth proclamation summary:
- The order provides safe harbor to health care providers, businesses, and other entities to encourage “reopening our state.”
- The order protects health care providers from a frivolous lawsuit based on actions they took or failed to take as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic.
- The order protects businesses from frivolous lawsuits when they conduct COVID-19 testing or distribute PPE to help protect people from COVID-19.
- The order “in no way shields these groups from claims of egregious misconduct. Claims based on egregious misconduct would be allowed to proceed,” according to the governor’s office.
Ninth proclamation summary:
- One provision allows for probate judges to improve procedures for administering the July 14 primary runoff election.
- Probate judges would be allowed to reduce the number of poll workers, if necessary. They would also be allowed to conduct poll-worker training remotely.
- Another provision “cuts red tape for electric co-ops seeking to obtain emergency loans.” This will “help ensure that electrical cops are still able to provide electricity to their members during this public health emergency.”
- A final provision will extend the formal “public health emergency” for 60 days, beginning May 13.
ACLU of Alabama calls on cities to address police excessive use of force
SPLC applauds removal of Mobile Confederate monument
Two charged in Moody police officer’s death
“I’ve never felt the fear I felt then:” Demonstrators describe police action at Huntsville protest
Ivey awards more than $17 million in federal coronavirus aid to local agencies
“A horrific scene”: Seven found dead after Morgan County shooting
Mobile removes Confederate monument overnight
More prison workers, inmates test positive for COVID-19
“We’re surging:” Alabama reports largest COVID-19 increases to date
New COVID cases in Alabama increasing faster than 46 other states
Huntsville police chief: Protesters “brought this on themselves”
Tuscaloosa mayor: “We have entered into a danger zone” as hospitalizations rise
Montgomery hospitals are out of ICU beds, mayor says
Prison staff delayed aid to dying inmate, witness says
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